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SPEECH 


HON.  ANSON  BURLINGAME, 


OF    MASSACHUSETTS, 


UNITED  STATES  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 


JUNE    2  1,    185  6 


CAMBRIDGE: 

PRINTED   FOR  PRIVATE  DISTRIBUTION. 
1856. 


1- 


f  (> 


V 


C  A  M  B  R  I  D  G  K  : 
ALLEN    AND    KAHNHAM,   STKIMCOTYPEKS    AND    IMUNTEHS. 


PKEFATOUY  NOTE. 


Tins  edition  of  Mr.  Burlingame's  speech  is  printed  at  the  sujigestion 
of  some  of  his  constituents  who  have  heretofore  been  liis  political  oppo- 
nents, but  who  believe  that  on  this  occasion  he  said  the  right  word,  in  the 
right  way,  and  at  the  riglit  time. 

Considering  tiie  circumstances  under  which  it  was  delivered,  the  speech 
has  been  regarded  by  persons  of  various  political  parties,  and  from  dilFei^ 
ent  sections  of  the  country  as  equally  remarkable  for  the  bolchiess  of  its 
tone  and  for  its  freedom  from  extravagant  and  ortensive  e))ithets. 

Tiie  writer  of  this  brief  note  is  an  old  resident  of  IMr.  Burlingame's 
district,  but  has  uniformly  voted  against  him,  whenever  he  has  been  a  can- 
didate for  any  political  office.  An  old-fashioned  Conservative,  a  "  Web- 
ster Whig,"  the  paramount  principles  of  his  political  creed  have  been,  the 
preservation  of  the  Constitution  and  thk  Union.  To  this  end  con- 
cessions and  compromises  were  approved,  and  all  who  opposed  them  were 
censured.  But  since  it  appears  that  all  concessions  must  be  in  favor  of 
slavery,  and  all  compromises  that  stootl  in  the  way  of  its  extension  are 
broken  when  the  conditions  favoring  that  interest  are  fulfilled :  and,  more- 
over, when  a  determined  and  persistent  effort  is  making  to  nationalize  this 
sectional  institution,  and  threats  are  thrown  out  that  the  Union  will  be 
dissolved  if  the  slave  power  is  checked  in  its  arrogant  assumjjtions,  con- 
sistency to  long  cherished  principles  requires  that  the  true  Conservative 
utter  and  defend  the  old  do(trine  of  our  illustrious  statesman,  —  Linr.KTY 
AND  Union,  now  and  forever,  onk  and  inseparable  ! 

It  is  gratifying  to  see  so  many  patriots  from  all  parties  now  unitins  to 
maintain  these  principles.  The  recent  outrages  upon  liberty,  in  Kansas 
and  at  Washington,  have  led  thousands  to  see  that  there  is  but  one  great 
issue  now  pending  in  the  politics  of  the  country.  The  Democratic  party 
has  done  justice  to  the  President  who  has  been  false  to  these  principles. 
The  people  will  do  justice  to  the  party  that  follows  his  course.  To  the 
noble  band  whose  rallying  cry  is  "  Liberty  and  Union,"  this  speech  will, 
it  is  believed,  be  welcome. 

Cambridge,  July  4,  1856. 


SPEECH 

OF 

HON.    ANSON    BURLINGAME, 

OF    MASSACHUSETTS, 

DELIVERED  IN  THE  U.  S.  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  JUNE  21,  1856. 


Mr.  Chairman, — 

The  House  will  bear  witness  that  I  have  not 
pressed  myself  upon  its  deliberations.  I  never  be- 
fore asked  its  indulgence.  I  have  assailed  no  man, 
nor  have  I  sought  to  bring  reproach  upon  any  man's 
State.  But  while  such  has  been  my  course,  as  well 
as  the  course  of  my  colleagues  from  Massachusetts, 
upon  this  floor,  certain  members  have  seen  fit  to  assail 
the  State  which  we  represent,  not  only  with  words, 
but  with  blows. 

In  remembrance  of  these  things,  and  seizing  the 
first  opportunity  which  has  presented  itself  for  a  long 
time,  I  stand  here  to-day  to  say  a  word  for  old  Massa- 

1  =5=  (8) 


6  SPEECH    OF    HON.    .\NSON    BURLINGAME. 

chusetts  —  not  that  she  needs  it;  no,  sir;  for  in  all 
that  constitutes  true  greatness  —  in  all  that  gives  ahid- 
ing  strength  —  in  great  qualities  of  head  and  heart  — 
in  moral  power  —  in  material  prosperity  —  in  intel- 
lectual resources  and  physical  ability  —  by  the  gen- 
eral judgment  of  mankind,  according  to  her  popula- 
tion, she  is  the  first  State.  There  does  not  live  the 
man  anywhere,  who  knows  any  thing,  to  whom  praise 
of  Massachusetts  would  not  be  needless.  She  is  as  far 
beyond  that  as  she  is  beyond  censure.  Members  here 
may  sneer  at  her  —  they  may  praise  her  past  at  the 
expense  of  her  present;  but  I  say,  with  a  full  con- 
viction of  its  truth,  that  Massachusetts,  in  her  present 
performances,  is  even  greater  than  in  her  past  recol- 
lections. And  when  I  have  said  this,  what  more  can 
I  say? 

Sir,  although  I  am  here  as  her  youngest  and  hum- 
blest member,  yet,  as  her  Representative,  I  feel  that  I 
am  the  peer  of  any  man  upon  this  floor.  Occupying 
that  high  stand-point,  with  modesty,  but  witli  firm- 
ness, I  cast  down  her  glove  to  the  whole  band  of  her 
assailants. 

She  has  been  assailed  in  the  House  and  out  of  the 
House,  at  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol,  and  at  the 
other  end  of  the  Avenue.  There  have  been  brought 
against  her  general  charges  and  specific  charges.  I 
am  sorry  to  find  at  the  head  of  the  list  of  her  assail- 
ants tlie  President  of  the  United  States,  who  not  only 


SPEECH    OF   HON.    ANSON    BURLINGAME.  7 

assails  Massachusetts,  but  the  whole  North.  lie  de- 
fends one  section  of  the  Union  at  the  expense  of  the 
other.  He  declares  that  one  section  has  ever  been 
mindful  o[  its  constitutional  obligations,  and  that  the 
other  has  not.  He  declares  that  if  one  section  of  our 
country  were  a  foreign  country,  the  other  would  have 
just  cause  of  war  against  it.  And  to  sustain  these 
remarkable  declarations,  he  goes  into  an  elaborate 
perversion  of  history,  such  as  that  A^irginia  ceded  her 
lands  against  the  interests  of  the  South,  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  North ;  when  the  truth  is,  she  ceded  her 
lands,  as  New  York  and  other  States  did,  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  whole  country.  She  gave  her  lands  to 
Freedom,  because  she  thought  Freedom  was  better 
than  Slavery  —  because  it  was  the  policy  of  the  times, 
and  events  have  vindicated  that  policy. 

It  is  a  perversion  of  history  when  he  says  that  the 
territory  of  the  country  has  been  acquired  more  for 
the  benefit  of  the  North  than  for  the  South ;  he  says 
that  substantially.  Sir,  out  of  the  territory  thus  ac- 
quired, five  slave  States,  with  a  pledge  for  four  more, 
and  two  free  States,  have  come  into  the  Union ;  and 
one  of  these,  as  we  all  know,  fought  its  way  through 
a  compromise  degrading  to  the  North. 

The  North  does  not  object  to  the  acquisition  of 
territory  when  it  is  desired,  but  she  desires  that  it 
shall  be  free.  If  such  a  complexion  had  been  given 
to  it,  how  different  would  have  been  the  fortunes  of 


8  SPEECH    OF   HON.   ANSON   BURLINGAIVIE. 

the  Republic  to-day!  This  may  be  ascertained  by 
comparing  the  progress  of  Ohio  with  that  of  any  slave 
State  in  the  Mississippi  Valley.  It  will  appear  more 
clearly  by  comparing  the  free  with  the  slave  regions. 
I  have  not  time  to  do  more  than  to  present  a  general 
picture. 

Freedom  and  Slavery  started  together  in  the  great 
race  on  this  continent.  In  the  very  year  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers  landed  on  Plymouth  Rock,  slaves  landed  in 
Virginia.  Freedom  has  gone  on,  trampling  down 
barbarism,  and  planting  States — building  the  symbols 
of  its  faith  by  every  lake  and  every  river,  mitil  now 
the  sons  of  the  Pilgrims  stand  by  the  shores  of  the 
Pacific.  Slavery  has  also  made  its  way  toward  the 
setting  sun.  It  has  reached  the  Rio  Grande  on  the 
south ;  and  the  groans  of  its  victims,  and  the  clank  of 
its  chains,  may  be  heard  as  it  slowly  ascends  the 
■w^estern  tributaries  of  the  Mississippi  River.  Freedom 
has  left  the  land  bespangled  with  free  schools,  and 
filled  the  whole  heavens  with  the  shining  towers  of 
religion  and  civilization.  Slavery  has  left  desolation, 
ignorance,  and  death  in  its  path.  When  we  look  at 
these  things ;  when  we  see  what  the  country  would 
have  been  had  Freedom  been  given  to  the  Territories; 
when  we  think  what  it  would  have  been  but  for  this 
blight  in  the  bosom  of  the  country ;  that  the  whole 
South  —  that  fair  land  God  has  blessed  so  much 
—  would  have  been  covered  with  cities,  and  villages, 


SPEECH   OF   IIOX.   .LNSON   BURLLXGAME.  9 

and  railroads,  and  that  in  the  whole  country,  in  the 
place  of  twenty-five  millions  of  people,  thirty-five 
millions  would  have  hailed  the  rising  morn  exultr 
ing  in  republican  liberty  —  when  we  think  of  these 
things,  how  must  every  honest  man  —  how  must 
every  man  with  Ijrains  in  his  head,  or  heart  in 
his  bosom,  regret  that  the  policy  of  old  Virginia,  in 
her  better  days,  did  not  become  the  animating  policy 
of  this  expanding  Republic  ! 

It  is  a  perversion  of  history,  I  say,  when  the  Presi- 
dent intimates  that  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution 
abrogated  the  Ordinance  of  1787.  It  was  recognized 
by  the  first  Congress  which  assembled  under  the  Con- 
stitution ;  and  it  has  been  sanctioned  by  nearly  every 
President  from  "Washington  down.  It  is  a  perversion 
of  history  when  the  President  intimates  that  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise  was  made  against  the  interests  of 
the  South,  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  North.  The 
truth  —  the  unmistakable  truth  is,  that  it  was  forced 
by  the  South  on  the  North.  It  received  the  almost 
united  vote  of  the  South.  It  was  claimed  as  a  victory 
of  the  South.  The  men  who  voted  for  it  were  sus- 
tained in  the  South ;  and  those  who  voted  for  it  in 
the  North  passed  into  oblivion;  and  though  some  of 
them  are  physically  alive  to-day,  they  are  as  politi- 
cally dead  as  are  the  President  and  his  immediate 
advisers.  Not  only  has  the  President  perverted  liis- 
torv,  but  he  has  turned  sectionalist.     He  has  become 


10  SPEECH    OF   HON.    ANSON   BURLING AME. 

the  champion  of  sectionalism.  He  makes  the  extra- 
ordinary declaration,  that  if  a  State  is  refused  ad- 
mission into  the  Union  because  her  constitution 
embraced  Slavery  as  an  institution,  then  one  section 
of  the  country  would  of  necessity  be  compelled  to 
dissolve  its  connection  with  the  people  of  the  other 
section !  What  does  he  mean  ?  Does  he  mean  to 
say  that  there  are  traitors  in  the  South?  Does  he 
mean  to  say,  if  they  were  voted  down,  that  then  they 
ought  not  to  submit  ?  If  he  does,  and  if  they  mean 
to-  back  him  in  the  declaration,  then  T  say  the  quicker 
we  try  the  strength  of  this  great  Government  the 
bette-r.  Not  only  has  he  said  that,  but  members  have 
said  on  this  floor,  again  and  again,  that  if  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law  —  which  has  nothing  sacred  about  it — 
which  I  deem  unconstitutional  —  which  South  Caro- 
lina deems  unconstitutional  —  if  that  law  be  repealed, 
that  this  Union  will  then  cease  to  exist. 

Mr.  Keitt.  —  I  wish  to  know  from  the  gentleman 
from  Massachusetts,  by  what  authority  he  says  South 
Carolina  holds  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  to  be  unconsti- 
tutional ? 

Mr.  Burlingame.  —  By  the  authority  of  the  Charles- 
ton Mercury. 

Taking  that  paper  from  his  pocket,  Mr.  B.  read  the 
following :  — 

"  Of  the  action  of  Massachusetts  in  the  abrogation 
of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  we  have  no  complaint  to 


SPEECH   OF  HON.   ANSON    BURLINGAME.  11 

make.  It  was  from  the  first  a  miserable  illiifsion ; 
and  worse,  in  fiict,  for  it  ivas  an  infmigancnt  upon  one  of 
the  mod  cheris/ied  j)riiicijjles  of  the  Condilidion,  which  pro- 
vides that  fugitives  from  labor,  *  upon  demand,  shall 
be  delivered  up,'  but  gives  no  power  to  Congress  to 
act  in  this  affair.  The  tenth  amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution provides  that  '  the  powers  not  delegated  to 
the  United  States  are  reserved  to  the  States  or  to  the 
people.'  The  clause  above  confers  no  power,  but  is 
the  naked  declaration  of  a  right ;  and  the  power,  not 
being  conferred,  results  to  the  States,  as  one  of  the 
incidents  of  sovereignty  too  dear  to  be  trusted  to  the 
<i;eneral  o-overnment. 

"  Our  southern  members  strove  for  the  passage  of 
the  law,  and  strove  honestly ;  but  it  shows  tlie  evils 
of  our  unfortunate  condition,  that,  in  the  urgency  of 
our  contest  with  an  aggressive  adversary,  we  lose 
the  landmarks  of  principle.  To  obtain  an  illusive 
triumph,  we  pressed  the  Government  to  assume  a 
power  not  conferred  by  the  instrument  of  its  crea- 
tion, and  to  establish  a  precedent  by  which,  in  all  after 
time,  it  will  be  authorized  to  assume  whatever  right 
may  have  no  constitutional  right  of  enforcement; 
and,  wearied  with  so  many  efforts  to  confine  the  Gov- 
ernment to  its  limits  of  legitimate  powers,  we  are 
pleased  to  have  assistthice  from  another  quarter  ;  and 
if  the  question  shall  be  determined  in  her  favor,  we 
will  sincerely  rejoice  in  such  a  vindication  of  the 
Constitution." 


12  SPEECH    OF   HON.   ANSON   BURLINGAME. 

That  is  my  authority,  but  I  do  not  wish  to  be 
interrupted  ;  I  have  not  time.  I  say  that  it  is  not  for 
the  President  and  members  on  this  floor  to  determine 
the  Hfe  of  this  Union ;  this  Union  rests  in  the  hearts 
of  the  American  people,  and  cannot  be  eradicated 
thence.  Whenever  any  person  shall  lift  his  hand  to 
smite  down  this  Union,  the  people  will  subjugate  him 
to  Liberty  and  the  Constitution.  I  do  not  wish  to  dwell 
on  the  President  and  what  he  has  said.  Notwithstand- 
ing all  this  perversion  of  history  —  notwithstanding 
his  violated  pledges  —  and  notwithstanding  his  warlike 
exploits  at  Greytown  and  Lawrence  —  his  servility  has 
been  repaid  with  scorn.  I  am  glad  of  it.  The  South 
was  right.  When  a  man  is  false  to  the  convictions  of 
his  own  heart  and  to  Freedom,  he  cannot  be  trusted 
with  the  delicate  interests  of  Slavery.  I  cannot  ex- 
press the  delight  I  feel  in  the  poetic  justice  that  has 
been  done  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  I  am  not  unmindful 
of  the  deep  ingratitude  that  first  lured  him  to  ruin,  and 
then  deserted  and  left  him  alone  to  die.  [Applause.] 
If  I  were  not  too  much  of  a  Native  American  I  would 
quote  and  apply  to  him  the  old  Latin  words,  "  De 
mortiiis  nil  nisi  bommi"  —  speak  nothing  but  good  of 
the  dead.  I  can  almost  forgive  him,  considering  his 
condition,  the  blistering  words  he  let  fall  upon  us 
the  other  night,  when  he  went  through  the  ordeal 
of  ratifying  the  nomination  of  James  Buchanan. 
He  said  that  we  had  received  nothing  at  the  hands 


SPEECH   OF   HON.   ANSON   BURLING AME.  i^ 

of  the  Government  save  its  protection  and  its  politi- 
cal blessings.  "We  have  not  certainly  received  any 
offices;  and  as  for  its  protection  and  political  bless- 
ings, let  the  silence  above  the  graves  of  those  who 
sleep  in  their  bloody  shrouds  in  Kansas  answer. 

There  have  been  general  and  specific  charges  made 
against  Massachusetts.  The  general  charge,  when- 
expressed  in  polite  language,  is,  that  she  has  not  l)een 
faithful  to  her  constitutional  obligations.  I  deny  it. 
I  call  for  proof  I  ask  when  ?  where  ?  how  ?  I  say, 
on  the  contrary,  that  from  the  time  when  this  Govern- 
ment came  from  the  brains  of  her  statesmen,  and  the 
unconquerable  arms  of  her  warriors,  she  has  been 
loyal  to  it.  In  peace,  she  has  added  to  it  renown ;  and 
in  war,  her  sons  have  crowded  the  way  to  death  as  to- 
a  festival.  She  has  quenched  the  fires  of  rebellion  on 
her  own  soil  without  Federal  aid.  And  when  the  ban- 
ners of  nullification  flew  in  the  southern  sky,  speaking 
through  the  lips  of  Webster,  in  Faneuil  Hall,  she 
stood  by  Jackson  and  the  Union.  No  man  speakiug^ 
in  her  name  —  no  man  wearing  her  ermine,  or  clotiied 
with  her  authority  —  ever  did  any  thing,  or  said  any 
thhig,  or  decided  any  thing,  not  in  accordance  with  her 
constitutional  obligations.  Yet,  sir,  the  hand  of  the 
Federal  Government  has  been  laid  heavily  upon  her. 

Tliat  malignant  spirit  which  has  usurped  this  Gov- 
eniment  through  the  negligence  of  the  people,  too- 
long    has  pursued   her   with   rancor   and  bitterness. 

9 


14  SPEECH    OF   HON.    ANSON   BURLING AJIE. 

Before  its  invidious  legislation,  she  has  seen  her 
commerce  perish,  and  ruin,  like  a  devastating  fire, 
sweep  through  her  fields  of  industry;  but,  amid  all 
these  things,  Massacliusetts  has  always  lifted  up 
her  voice  with  unmurmuring  devotion  to  the  Union. 
She  has  heard  the  Federal  drum  in  her  streets; 
she  has  protected  the  person  of  that  most  odious 
man  —  odious  both  at  the  North  and  the  South  — 
the  slave  hunter.  She  has  protected  him  when  her 
soil  throbbed  with  indignation  from  the  sea  to  the 
New  York  line.  Sir,  the  temples  of  justice  there 
have  been  clothed  in  chains.  The  Federal  courts  in 
other  States  have  been  closed  against  her,  and  her 
citizens  have  been  imprisoned  and  she  has  had  no 
redress. 

Yet,  notwithstanding  all  these  things,  Massachu- 
setts has  always  been  faithful  and  loyal  to  the  Con- 
stitution. You  may  ask  why,  if  she  has  been  so 
wronged,  so  insulted,  has  she  been  so  true  and  faithful 
to  the  Union  ?  Sir,  because  she  knew,  in  her  clear 
head,  that  these  outrages  came  not  from  the  generous 
hearts  of  the  American  people.  She  knew  that  when 
Justice  should  finally  assume  the  reins  of  Govern- 
ment, all  would  be  well.  She  knew  that,  w^hen  the 
Government  ceased  to  foster  the  interests  of  Slavery 
alone,  her  interests  would  be  regarded  and  the  whole 
country  be  blessed.  It  was  this  high  constitutional 
hope  that  has  always  swayed  the  head  and  heart  of 


SPEECU    OF   HON.    ANSON   BURLLNG.LME.  15 

Massachusetts,  and  which  has  made  her  look  out  of 
the  gloom  of  the  present,  and  anticijiate  a  glorious 
future.  So  much  in  relation  to  the  general  charge 
aiirainst  Massachusetts. 

There  are  specific  charges  upon  which  I  shall  dwell 
for  a  moment.  One  is  that  she  has  organized  an 
"  Emigrant  Aid  Societ}^"  Did  you  not  tell  Massachu- 
setts that  the  people  of  Kansas  were  to  be  left  perfect- 
ly free  to  mould  her  institutions  as  they  thought  best? 
She  knew,  and  she  told  you,  that  your  doctrine  of 
squatter  sovereignty  was  a  delusion  and  a  snare.  She 
opposed  it  as  long  as  she  could  here  ;  and  when  she 
could  do  it  no  longer,  she  accepted  the  battle  upon 
your  pledge  of  fair  play.  She  determined  to  make 
Kansas  a  free  State.  In  this  high  motive  the  Emi- 
grant Aid  Soci,ety  had  its  origin.  Its  objects  are  two- 
fold —  freedom  for  Kansas,  and  pecuniary  reward. 
And  it  is  so  organized  that  pecuniary  benefit  cannot 
How  to  stockholders  except  tlirough  the  prosper- 
ity of  tliose  whom  it  aids.  The  idea  of  the  society 
is  this :  to  take  capital  and  place  it  in  advance  of 
civilization ;  to  take  the  elements  of  civilization,  the 
saw-mill,  the  church,  the  school-house,  and  plant  them 
in  the  wilderness,  as  an  inducement  to  the  emigrant. 
It  is  a  peaceful  society ;  it  has  never  armed  one 
man  ;  it  has  never  paid  one  man's  passage  to  Kansas. 
It  never  asked  —  though  I  think  it  should  have  asked 
—  the  political  sentiments  of  any  man  whom  it  has 


16  SPEECH    OF   HON.    ANSON    BURLINGAJVIE. 

assisted  to  emigrate  to  Kansas.  It  has  invested  one 
hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  it  has  conducted  from 
Massachusetts  to  Kansas  from  twelve  to  fifteen  hun- 
dred of  the  flower  of  her  people.  Such  is  the  Emi- 
grant Aid  Society,  such  is  its  origin,  and  such  its  ac- 
tion. It  is  this  society,  so  just  and  legal  in  its  origin 
and  its  action,  that  has  been  made  the  pretext  for 
the  most  bitter  assaults  upon  Massachusetts.  Sir,  it 
is  Christianity  organized. 

How  have  these  legal  and  these  proper  measures 
been  met  by  those  who  propose  to  make  Kansas  a  slave 
State  ?  The  people  of  Massachusetts  would  not  com- 
plain, if  the  people  who  differ  from  them  should  go 
there  to  seek  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  conflicting  ques- 
tions. But  how  have  they  been  met  ?  By  fraud  and 
violence,  by  sackings,  and  burnings,  and  murders. 
Laws  have  been  forced  upon  them,  such  as  you  have 
^heard  read  to-day  by  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  [Mr. 
Colfax],  so  atrocious  that  no  man  has  risen  here  to  de- 
fend one  single  one  of  them.  Men  have  been  j^laced 
over  them  Avhom  they  never  elected  ;  and  this  day,  as 
has  been  stated  by  the  gentleman  from  Indiana,  civil 
"war  rages  from  one  end  of  Kansas  to  the  other.  Men 
have  been  compelled  to  leave  their  peaceful  pursuits, 
4ind  starvation  and  death  stare  them  in  the  face,  and  yet 
the  Government  stands  idle — no,  not  idle  ;  it  gives  its 
anighty  arm  to  the  side  of  the  men  who  are  trampling 
down  law  and  order  there.     The  United  States  troops 


SPEECH    UF    HON.    ANSON    l!Ll!LLNXiAME.  17 

have  not  been  permitted  to  protect  the  Free  State 
men.  When  they  have  desired  to  do  so,  they  have 
been  withdrawn.  I  cannot  enter  into  a  detail  of  all 
thj  lacts.  It  is  a  fact  that  war  rages  there  to-day. 
Men  kill  each  other  at  si«»:ht.  All  these  thin(ji:s  are 
known,  and  nobody  can  deny  them.  All  the  westr 
ern  winds  are  burdened  with  the  news  oi'  them, 
and  they  are  substantiated  equally  by  both  sides. 

lias  the  Government  no  powder  to  make  peace  in 
Kansas,  and  to  protect  citizens  there  under  the  or- 
ganic law  of  the  Territory  ?  I  ask,  in  the  name  of  old 
Massachusetts,  if  our  honest  citizens  who  went  to 
Kansas  to  build  up  homes  for  themselves,  and  to 
secure  the  blessings  of  civilization,  are  not  entitled  to 
protection  ?  She  throws  the  responsibility  upon  this 
Administration,  and  holds  it  accountable ;  and  so  will 
the  people  at  the  polls  next  November. 

Another  charge  is,  that  Massachusetts  has  passed 
a  personal  liberty  ])ill.  Well,  sir,  I  say  that  Massa- 
chusetts, for  her  local  legislation,  is  not  responsible  to 
this  House  or  to  any  member  of  it.  I  say,  sir, 
if  her  laws  were  as  bad  as  those  .atrocious  laws  of 
Kansas,  30U  can  do  nothing  with  her.  I  say,  if  her 
statute-books,  instead  of  being  filled  with  generous 
legislation  —  legislation  which  ought  to  be  interest- 
ing t(j  her  assailants,  because  it  is  in  favor  ol'  the 
idiotic  and  the  blind  —  [laughter] — were  iilled,  like 

tliosL'    of  the  State   of  Alabama,   with   laws  covering: 

<■)  ■■]■■ 


18  SPEECH    OF   HON.   ANSON   BURLINGAAIE. 

the  State  with  whippiug-posts,  keeping  half  of  her 
people  in  absolute  slavery,  and  nearly  all  the  other 
half  in  subjection  to  twenty-nine  thousand  slave- 
holders; if  the  slaveholders  themselves  were  not  per- 
mitted to  trade  with  or  teach  their  slaves  as  they 
•choose ;  if  ignorance  were  increasing  faster  than  the 
population  —  I  say,  even  then,  you  could  not  do 
any  thing  here  with  the  local  laws  of  Massachusetts. 
I  say,  the  presumption  is,  that  the  law,  having  been 
passed  by  a  sovereign  State,  is  constitutional.  If  it 
is  not  constitutional,  then,  sir,  when  the  proj)er  trijju- 
nal  shall  have  decided  that  question,  what  is  there, 
I  ask,  in  the  history  of  Massachusetts,  which  will  lead 
us  to  believe  that  she  will  not  abide  by  that  result  ? 
I  say,  there  is  nothing  in  the  history  of  the  State 
of  Mississippi,  or  of  South  Carolina,  early  or  recent, 
which  makes  Massachusetts  desirous  of  emulating 
their  example.  I,  sir,  agree  with  the  South  Carolina 
■authority  I  have  quoted  here,  in  regard  to  the  legisla- 
tion of  Massachusetts. 

Sir,  my  time  is  passing  away,  and  I  must  hasten  on. 
The  State  of  Massachusetts  is  the  guardian  of  the 
rights  of  her  citizens,  and  of  the  inhabitants  within 
her  border  lines.  If  her  citizens  go  beyond  the  line, 
into  distant  lands  or  upon  the  ocean,  then  they  look 
to  the  Federal  arm  for  protection.  But  old  Massachu- 
«etts  is  the  State  which  is  to  secure  to  her  citizens  the 
inestimable  blessing  of  trial  by  jury  and  the  writ  of 


SPEECH    OF    HON.    ANSON    BURLING AME.  19 

habeas  corpus.  All  these  things  must  come  from  her, 
and  not  from  the  Federal  Government.  I  believe,  with 
her  great  statesmen  and  with  her  people,  that  the  Fugi- 
tive Slave  Law  is  unconstitutional.  Mr.  Webster,  as  an 
original  question,  thought  it  was  not  constitutional ;  Mr. 
Eantoul,  a  brilliant  statesman  of  Massachusetts,  said 
the  same  thing ;  they  both  thought  that  the  clause  of 
the  Constitution  was  addressed  to  the  States.  Mr. 
Webster  bowed  to  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
in  the  Prigg  case ;  Mr.  Rantoul  did  not.  Massachu- 
setts believes  it  to  be  unconstitutional ;  but  whether  it 
be  constitutional  or  not,  she  means,  so  long  as  the 
Federal  Government  undertakes  to  execute  that  law, 
that  the  Federal  government  shall  do  it  with  its  own 
instruments,  vile  or  otherwise.  She  says  that  no  one 
clothed  with  her  authority,  shall  do  any  thing  to  help 
in  it,  so  long  as  the  Federal  Government  undertakes  to 
do  it.     But,  sir,  I  j^ass  from  this. 

I  did  intend  to  reply  seriatim  to  all  the  attacks 
which  have  been  made  upon  the  State,  but  I  have  not 
half  time  enough.  The  gentleman  from  Mississippi 
[Mr.  Bennett],  after  enumerating  a  great  many  things 
he  desired  Massachusetts  to  do,  said,  amongst  other 
things,  that  she  must  tear  out  of  her  statute-book 
this  personal  liberty  law.  When  she  had  done  that, 
and  a  variety  of  other  things  too  numerous  to  men- 
tion, then,  he  said,  "  the  South  would  forgive  jNIassa- 
chusetts."    The  South  forgive  Massachusetts !    Sir,  for- 


20  SPEECH    OF   HON.    ANSON    BURLING.VME. 

giveness  is  an  attribute  of  Divinit3^  The  South  has  it 
not.  Sir,  forgiveness  is  a  higher  quality  than  justice 
even.  The  South  —  I  mean  the  Slave  Power  —  can- 
not comprehend  it.  Sir,  Massachusetts  has  already 
forgiven  the  South  too  many  debts  and  too  many 
insults.  If  we  should  do  all  the  things  the  gentle- 
man from  Mississippi  desired  us  to  do,  then  the  gen- 
tleman from  Alabama  [Mr.  Shorter]  comes  in,  and 
insists  that  Massachusetts  shall  do  a  great  variety 
of  other  things  before  the  South  probably  will  forgive 
her.  Among  other  things,  he  desired  that  Massa- 
chusetts should  blot  out  the  fact  that  Gen.  Hull,  who 
surrendered  Detroit,  had  his  home  in  Massachusetts. 
Wh}',  no,  sir,  she  does  not  desire  even  to  do  that,  for 
then  she  would  have  to  ])lot  out  the  fact  that  his 
gallant  son  had  his  home  there  —  that  gallant  son 
who  fell  fighting  for  his  country  in  the  same  war,  at 
Lundy's  Lane  —  that  great  battle  where  Col.  Miller, 
(a  Massachusetts  man  by  adoption,)  when  asked  if  he 
could  storm  certain  heights,  replied,  in  a  modest  Mas- 
sachusetts manner, ''  I  will  try,  sir."  He  stormed  the 
heights. 

The  gentleman  desires,  also,  that  we  should  blot  out 
the  history  of  the  connection  of  Massachusetts  with 
the  last  war.  Oh,  no !  She  cannot  do  that.  She 
cannot  so  dim  the  lustre  of  the  American  arms.  She 
cainiot  so  wrong  the  Republic.  Where,  then,  would 
he  your  great  sea-fights?      "Where,  then,  would   be 


SPEECH    OF   HON.    ANSON   BURLING AME.  21 

the  glory  of  "Old  Ironsides,"  whose  scuppers  ran  red 
with  Massachusetts  blood  ?  Where,  then,  would  be 
the  history  of  the  daring  of  those  brave  fishermen, 
who  swarmed  from  all  her  bays  and  all  her  ports, 
sweeping  the  enemy's  commerce  from  the  most  dis- 
tant seas  ?  Ah,  sir !  she  cannot  afford  to  blot  out  that 
history.  You,  sir,  cannot  afford  to  let  her  do  it  —  no, 
not  even  the  South.  She  sustained  herself  in  the 
last  war ;  she  paid  her  own  expenses,  and  has  not  yet 
been  paid  entirely  from  the  Treasury  of  the  nation. 
The  enemy  hovered  on  her  coast  with  his  ships  as 
numerous  almost  as  the  stars.  He  looked  on  that 
warlike  land,  and  the  memory  of  the  olden  time  came 
back  upon  him.  He  remembered  how,  nearly  forty 
^•ears  before,  he  had  trodden  on  that  soil ;  he  remem- 
bered how  vauntingly  he  invaded  it,  and  how  speedily 
he  left  it.  He  turned  his  glasses  towards  it,  and  be- 
held people  rushing  from  the  mountains  to  the  sea 
to  defend  it ;  and  he  dared  not  attack  it.  Its  capital 
stood  in  the  salt  sea  spray,  yet  he  could  not  take  it. 
He  sailed  south  where  there  was  another  capital,  not 
far  from  where  we  now  stand,  forty  miles  from  the 
sea.  A  few  staggering,  worn-out  sailors  and  soldiers 
came  here.  They  took  it.  How  it  was  defended,  let 
the  heroes  of  Bladensburg  answer !     [Laughter.] 

Sir,  the  gentleman  from  South  Carolina  [Mr.  Kkitt] 
made  a  speech,  and  if  I  may  be  allowed  to  coin  a 
word,  I  will  say  it  had  more  caniankerobilt/  in  it  than 


22  SPEECH    OF   HON.    ANSON   BURLINGAME. 

any  speech  I  ever  heard  on  this  floor.  [Renewed 
laughter.]  It  was  certainly  very  eloquent  in  some 
portions  —  very  eloquent  indeed,  for  the  gentleman 
has  indisputably  an  eloquent  utterance,  and  an  elo- 
quent temperament.  I  do  not  wish  to  criticize  it 
much,  but  it  opens  in  the  most  extraordinary  manner 
with  a  "  weird  torchlight,"  and  then  he  introduces  a 
dead  man,  and  then  he  galvanizes  him,  and  puts  him 
in  that  chair,  and  then  he  makes  him  "  point  his  cold 
finger  "  around  this  Hall.  Why,  it  almost  frightens  me 
to  allude  to  it.  And  then  he  turns  it  into  a  theatre. 
And  then  he  changes  or  transmogrifies  the  gentleman 
from  Indiana  [Mr.  Colfax],  who  has  just  spoken,  into 
a  snake,  and  makes  him  "wriggle  up  to  the  foot- 
lights ; "  and  then  he  gives  the  snake  hands,  and  then 
"mailed  hands,"  and  with  one  of  them  he  throws  off 
Cuba,  and  with  the  other  clutches  all  the  Canadas. 
Then  he  has  men  with  "glozing  mouths,"  and  they 
are  "singing  psalms  through  their  noses,"  and  are 
moving  down  upon  the  South  "like  an  army  with 
banners."  Frightful,  is  it  not  ?  He  talks  about  rot- 
ting on  dead  seas.  He  calls  our  party  at  one  time 
a  "  toad,"  and  then  he  calls  it  a.  "  lizard,"  "  and  more, 
which  e'en  to  mention  would  be  unlawful."  Sir,  his 
rhetoric  seems  to  have  the  St.  Vitus's  dance.  [Laugh- 
ter.] He  mingles  metaphors  in  such  a  manner  as 
would  delight  the  most  extravagant  Milesian. 

But  I  pass  from  his  logic  and  his  rhetoric,  and  also 


SPEECH    OF    HON.    .VNSON    BURLINGAME.  23 

over  some  historical  mistakes,  much  of  the  same  na- 
ture as  those  made  by  the  President,  which  I  have 
ah'cady  pointed  out,  and  come  to  some  of  his  sen- 
tences, in  -which  terrific  questions  and  answers  ex- 
plode. He  answers,  hotly  and  taimtingly,  that  the 
South  wants  none  of  our  vagaljond  philanthropy. 
Sir,  when  the  3'ellow  pestilence  lluttered  its  Mings 
over  the  Southern  States,  and  when  Massachusetts 
poured  out  her  treasures  to  a  greater  extent,  in  pro- 
portion to  her  population,  tlian  any  other  State,  was 
that  vagabond  philanthropy?  I  ask  the  people  of 
Virij-inia  and  Louisiana? 

o 

But,  sir,  the  gentleman  was  most  tender  and  most 
plaintive  when  he  described  the  starving  operatives. 
AVhy,  sir,  the  eloquence  was  most  overwhehning  upon 
some  of  my  colleagues.  I  thought  I  saw  the  iron 
face  of  our  Speaker  soften  a  little,  when  he  listened 
to  the  unexpected  sympathy  of  the  gentleman  with 
the  hardships  of  his  early  life.  Sir,  he  was  an  opera- 
tive from  boyhood  to  manhood  —  and  a  good  one  too. 
Ah,  sir,  he  did  not  appreciate,  as  he  tasted  the  sweet 
bread  of  honest  toil,  his  sad  condition.  He  did  not 
think,  as  he  stood  in  the  music  of  the  machinery, 
which  came  from  his  cunning  liniid,  how  much  better 
it  would  have  been  for  him  had  he  been  born  a  slave, 
[laughter,]  and  put  under  the  gentleman  from  South 
Carolina  —  a  kind  master,  as  1  have  no  doubt  he  is 
—  where  he  would  have  been  well  fed  and  clothed, 


24  SPEECH    OF   HON.    ANSON    BURLINGAME. 

and  would  have  known  none  of  the  trials  which 
doubtless  met  him  on  every  hand.  How  happy  he 
would  have  been  if,  instead  of  being  a  Massachusetts 
operative,  he  had  been  a  slave  in  South  Carolina, 
fattening,  singing,  and  dancing  upon  the  banks  of 
some  SoLithern  river.     [Great  laughter.] 

Sir,  if  the  gentleman  will  go  to  my  district,  and 
look  upon  those  operatives  and  mechanics ;  if  he  will 
look  upon  some  of  those  beautiful  models  which  come 
from  their  brains  and  hands,  and  which  from  time  to 
time  leap  upon  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic,  outflying 
all  other  clippers,  bringing  home  wealth  and  victory 
with  all  the  winds  of  heaven,  he  might  have  reason  to 
change  his  views.  Let  him  go  there,  and,  even  after 
all  he  said,  he  may  speak  to  those  men,  and  convince 
them,  if  he  can,  of  their  starving  condition.  I  will 
guaranty  his  personal  safety.  I  believe  the  people 
of  Massachusetts  would  pour  forth  their  heart's  blood 
to  protect  even  him  in  the  right  of  freedom  of  speech ; 
and  that  is  saying  a  great  deal,  after  all  that  has  hap- 
pened. Let  him  go  to  the  great  county  of  Worcester  — 
that  beehive  of  operatives  and  Abolitionists,  as  it  has 
been  called,  —  and  he  will  find  the  annual  product  of 
that  county  greater,  in  proportion  to  the  population, 
than  that  of  any  other  equal  population  in  the  world, 
as  will  be  found  by  reference  to  a  recent  speech  of  ex- 
Governor  Boutwell,  of  our  State.  The  next  county, 
I  believe,  in  respect  to  the  amount  of  products  in  pro- 


SPEECH    OF    HON.    ANSON    BUKLINGAME.  25 

portion  to  population,  is  away  up  in  Vermont.  Sir, 
let  him  uo  and  look  at  these  men  —  these  Abolition- 
ists Avho,  we  arc  told,  meddle  with  everybody's  busi- 
ness but  their  own.  They  certainly  take  time  enough 
to  attend  to  their  own  business,  to  accomplish  these 
results  which  I  have  named. 

The  gentleman  broke  out  in  an  exceedingly  explo- 
sive question,  something  like  this :  I  do  not  know 
if  my  memory  can  do  justice  to  the  language  of  the 
gentleman,  but  it  was  something  like  this :  "  Did  not 
the  South,  equally  with  the  North,  bare  her  forehead 
to  the  God  of  Battles  ? "  I  answer  plainly,  No,  sir, 
she  did  not ;  she  did  not.  Sir,  Massachusetts  furnished 
more  men  in  the  Revolution  than  the  whole  South  put 
together,  and  more  by  tenfold  than  South  Carolina. 
I  am  not  including,  of  course,  the  militia  —  the  con- 
jectured militia  furnished  by  that  State.  There  is  no 
proof  that  they  were  ever  engaged  in  any  battle.  I 
mean  the  regulars ;  and  I  say  that  Massachusetts  fur- 
nished more  than  ten  times  as  many  men  as  South  Car- 
olina. I  say,  on  the  authority  of  a  standard  historian, 
once  a  member  of  this  House,  (Mr.  Sabine,  in  his  His- 
tory of  the  Loyalists,)  that  more  New  England  men 
now  lie  buried  in  the  soil  of  South  Carolina  than  there 
were  of  South  Carolinians,  who  left  their  State  to 
fight  the  battles  of  the  country.  I  say  when 
General  Lincoln  was  defending  Charleston,  he  was 
compelled  to  give  up  its  defence  because  the  people 

3 


26  SPEECH   OF  HON.   ANSON   BURLING AME. 

of  that  city  would  not  fight.  When  General  Greene, 
that  Rhode  Island  blacksmith,  took  command  of  the 
Southern  army,  South  Carolina  had  not  a  Federal  sol- 
dier in  the  field  ;  and  the  people  of  that  State  would 
not  furnish  supplies  to  his  army ;  while  the  British  ar- 
my in  the  State  were  furnished  with  supplies  almost 
exclusively  from  the  people  of  South  Carolina.  While 
the  American  army  could  not  be  recruited,  the  ranks 
of  the  British  army  were  rapidly  filled  from  that  State. 

The  British  post  of  Ninety-six  was  garrisoned 
almost  exclusively  from  South  Carolina.  Rawdon's  re- 
serve corps  was  made  up  almost  entirely  by  South 
Carolinians.  Of  the  eight  hundred  prisoners  who  were 
taken  at  the  battle  of  King's  Mountain  —  of  which  we 
have  heard  so  much  —  seven  hundred  of  them  were 
Southern  tories.  The  Maryland  men  gained  the  lau- 
rels of  the  Cowpens.  Kentuckians,  Virginians,  and 
North  Carolinians  gained  the  battle  of  King's  Moun- 
tain. Few  South  Carolinians  fought  in  the  battles  of 
Eutaw,  Guilford,  etc.  They  were  chiefly  fought  by 
men  out  of  South  Carolina;  and  they  would  have 
won  greater  fame  and  brighter  laurels  if  they  had 
not  been  opposed  chiefly  by  the  citizens  of  the  soil. 
Well  might  the  British  commander  boast  that  he  had 
reduced  South  Carolina  into  allegiance  ! 

But,  sir,  I  will  not  proceed  further  with  this  history, 
out  of  regard  for  the  fame  of  our  common  country  ; 
out   of  regard  for  the  patriots  —  the   Sumters,   the 


SPEECH    OF   HON.    .VNSON   BURLING.UIE.  27 

Marions,  the  Eutledges,  the  Pinkneys,  the  Haynes 
—  truer  patriots,  if  possible,  than  those  of  any  other 
State,  Out  of  regard  for  these  men,  I  will  not  quote 
from  a  letter  of  the  patriot  Governor  Mathews  to 
General  Greene,  in  which  he  complains  of  the  selfish- 
ness and  utter  imbecility  of  a  great  portion  of  the 
people  of  South  Carolina. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  all  these  assaults  upon  the  State 
of  Massachusetts  sink  into  insignificance  compared 
with  the  one  I  am  about  to  mention.  On  the  10th  of 
Mav,  it  was  announced  that  Mr.  Sumner  would  address 
the  Senate  upon  the  Kansas  question.  The  jfloor  of  the 
Senate,  the  galleries,  and  avenues  leading  thereto, 
were  thronged  with  an  expectant  audience ;  and  many 
of  us  left  our  places  in  this  House  to  hear  the  Massa- 
chusetts orator.  To  say  that  we  were  delighted  with 
the  speech  we  heard,  would  but  faintly  express  the 
deep  emotions  of  our  hearts,  awakened  by  it.  I  need 
not  speak  of  the  classic  purity  of  its  language,  nor  of  the 
nobility  of  its  sentiments.  It  was  heard  by  many  ;  it 
has  been  read  by  millions.  There  has  been  no  such 
speech  made  in  the  Senate  since  the  days  when  those 
Titans  of  American  eloquence  —  the  Websters  and 
the  Ilaynes,  contended  with  each  other  for  mastery. 

It  was  severe,  because  it  was  launched  against 
tyranny.  It  was  severe  as  Chatham  was  severe  when 
he  defended  the  feeble  colonies  against  the  giant  op- 
pression of  the  mother  country.     It  was  made  in  the 


28  SPEECH    OF   HON.    ANSON   BURLING AME. 

face  of  a  hostile  Senate.  It  continued  tlirough  tlie 
greater  portion  of  two  days ;  and  jet,  during  that 
time,  the  speaker  was  not  once  called  to  order.  This 
fact  is  canclusive  as  to  the  personal  and  parliamentary 
decorum  of  the  speech.  He  had  provocation  enough. 
His  State  had  been  called  "  hypocritical."  He  him- 
self had  been  called  "  a  puppy,"  "  a  fool,"  "  a  fanatic," 
and  "  a  dishonest  man."  Yet  he  was  parliamentary 
from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  his  speech.  No 
man  knew  better  than  he  did  the  proprieties  of  the 
place,  for  he  had  always  observed  them.  Xo  man 
knew  better  than  he  did  parliamentary  law,  because 
he  had  made  it  the  study  of  his  life.  No  man  saw 
more  clearly  than  he  did  the  flaming  sword  of  the 
Constitution  turning  every  way  guarding  all  the  ave- 
nues of  the  Senate.  But  he  was  not  thinking  of  these 
things ;  he  was  not  thinking  then  of  the  privileges  of 
the  Senate,  nor  of  the  guarantees  of  the  Constitution. 
He  was  there  to  denounce  tyranny  and  crime  ;  and  he 
did  it.  He  was  there  to  speak  for  the  rights  of  an 
empire,  and  he  did  it  bravely  and  grandly. 

So  much  for  the  occasion  of  the  speech.  A  word, 
and  I  shall  be  pardoned,  about  the  speaker  himself 
He  is  my  friend ;  for  many  and  many  a  year  I  have 
looked  to  him  for  guidance  and  light,  and  I  never 
looked  in  vain ;  he  never  had  a  personal  enemy  in 
his  life  ;  his  character  is  as  pure  as  the  snow  that 
falls  on  his   native    hills;   his   heart   overflows   with 


SPEECH    OF   HON.    AXSOX    BURLIXGAME.  29 

kindness  for  every  being  having  the  upright  form  of 
man ;  he  is  a  ripe  scholar,  a  ehivah-ic  gentleman,  and 
a  warm-hearted,  true  friend.  lie  sat  at  the  feet  of 
Channing  and  drank  in  the  sentiments  of  that  noljle 
soul.  He  Ijathed  in  the  learning  and  undying  love 
of  the  great  jurist,  Story ;  and  the  hand  of  Jackson, 
with  its  honors  and  its  offices,  sought  him  early  in 
life,  but  he  shrank  from  them  with  instinctive  mod- 
esty. Sir,  he  is  the  pride  of  Massachusetts.  His 
mother  Commonwealth  found  him  adornintr  the  hiuh- 
est  walks  of  literature  and  law,  and  she  bade  him  go 
and  grace  somewhat  the  rough  character  of  political 
life.  The  people  of  Massachusetts  —  the  old,  and  the 
young,  and  the  middle-aged  —  now  pay  their  full 
homage  to  the  beauty  of  his  public  and  private  char- 
acter.    Such  is  Charles  Sumner. 

On  the  22d  day  of  May,  when  the  Senate  and  the 
House  had  clothed  themselves  in  mourning  for  a 
brother  fallen  in  the  battle  of  life  in  the  distant  State 
of  Missouri,  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  sat  in 
the  silence  of  the  Senate  Chamber,  engaged  in  the  em- 
ployments appertaining  to  his  office,  when  a  member 
from  this  House,  who  had  taken  an  oath  to  sustain 
the  Constitution,  stole  into  the  Senate,  that  place 
which  had  hitherto  been  held  sacred  aijrainst  vie- 
lence,  and  smote  him  as  Cain  smote  his  brother. 

Mr.  Keitt  (in  his  seat).  —  That  is  false. 

Mr.  BuRLLNGAME.  —  1  wlll  uot  bandy  epithets  with 


30  SPEECH    OF   HON.   ANSON   BURLINGAilE. 

the  gentleman.  I  am  responsible  for  my  own  lan- 
guage.    Doubtless  lie  is  responsible  for  his. 

Mr.  Keitt.  —  I  am. 

Mr.  BuRLiNGAME.  —  I  shall  stand  by  mine. 

One  blow  was  enough ;  but  it  did  not  satiate  the 
wrath  of  that  spirit  which  had  pursued  him  through 
two  days.  Again  and  again,  quicker  and  faster  fell 
the  leaden  blows,  until  he  was  torn  away  from  his 
victim,  when  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  fell  in 
the  arms  of  his  friends,  and  his  blood  ran  down  on  the 
Senate  floor.  Sir,  the  act  was  brief,  and  my  comments 
on  it  shall  be  brief  also.  I  denounce  it  in  the  name 
of  the  Constitution  it  violated.  I  denounce  it  in  the 
name  of  the  sovereignty  of  Massachusetts,  which  was 
stricken  down  by  the  blow.  I  denounce  it  in  the 
name  of  civilization,  which  it  outraged.  I  denounce 
it  in  the  name  of  humanity.  I  denounce  it  in  the 
name  of  that  fair  play  which  bullies  and  prize- 
fighters respect.  What!  strike  a  man  when  he  is 
pinioned  —  when  he  cannot  respond  to  a  blow  !  Call 
you  that  chivalry  ?  In  Avhat  code  of  honor  did  you 
get  your  authority  for  that  ?  I  do  not  believe  that 
member  has  a  friend  so  dear  who  must  not,  in  his 
heart  of  hearts,  condemn  the  act.  Even  the  member 
himself,  if  he  has  left  a  spark  of  that  chivalry  and 
gallantry  attributed  to  him,  must  loathe  and  scorn  the 
act.  God  knows,  I  do  not  wish  to  speak  unkindly  or 
in  a  spirit  of  revenge ;  but  I  owe  it  to  my  manhood, 


SPEECH    OF   HON.    ANSON    BURLING AME.  oi 

and  the  noble  State  I  in  part  represent,  to  express  my 
deep  abhorrence  of  the  act.  But  much  as  I  repro- 
bate the  act,  mucli  more  do  I  reprobate  the  conduct 
of  those  who  Avere  by  and  saw  the  outrage  perpe- 
trated. 

Sir,  especially  do  I  notice  the  conduct  of  that  Sen- 
ator recently  from  the  free  platform  of  Massachu- 
setts, with  the  odor  of  her  hospitality  on  him,  who 
stood  there,  not  only  silent  and  quiet  while  it  was 
going  on,  but,  when  it  was  over,  approved  the  act. 
And  worse :  when  he  had  time  to  cool,  when  he 
had  slept  on  it,  he  went  into  the  Senate  Chamber 
of  the  United  States  and  shocked  the  sensibilities  of 
the  w^orld  by  approving  it.  Another  Senator  did  not 
take  part  because  he  feared  his  motives  might  be 
questioned,  exhibiting  as  extraordinary  a  delicacy  as 
that  individual  who  refused  to  rescue  a  drowning 
mortal,  because  he  had  not  been  introduced  to  him. 
[Laughter.]  Another  was  not  on  good  terms ;  and 
yet,  if  rumor  be  true,  that  Senator  has  declared  that 
himself  and  family  are  more  indebted  to  Mr.  Sumner 
than  to  any  other  man  ;  yet,  when  he  saw  him  borne 
bleeding  by,  he  turned  and  went  on  the  other  side. 
Oh,  magnanimous  Slidell !  Oh,  prudent  Douglas  ! 
Oh,  audacious  Toombs ! 

Sir,  there  are  questions  arising  out  of  this,  which 
far  transcend  those  of  a  mere  personal  nature.  Of 
those   personal  considerations    I    shall   speak   when 


dJ  SPEECH    OF   HON.    ANSON    BUKLINGAME. 

the  question  comes  properly  before  us,  if  I  am  per- 
mitted to  do  so.  The  higher  question  involves 
the  very  existence  of  the  government  itself  If,  sir, 
freedom  of  speech  is  not  to  remain  to  us,  what  is  all 
this  government  worth  ?  If  we  from  Massachusetts, 
or  any  other  State  —  Senators  or  members  of  the 
House  —  are  to  be  called  to  account  by  some  "  gal- 
lant nephew"  of  some  "gallant  uncle,"  w^hen  we 
utter  something  which  does  not  suit  their  sensitive 
natures,  we  desire  to  know  it. 

If  the  conflict  is  to  be  transferred  from  this  peace- 
ful, intellectual  field,  to  one  where,  it  is  said,  "  honors 
are  easy  and  responsibilities  equal,"  then  we  desire  to 
know  it.  Massachusetts,  if  her  sons  and  Representa- 
tives are  to  have  the  rod  held  over  them,  if  these 
things  are  to  continue,  the  time  may  come  —  though 
she  utters  no  threats  —  when  she  may  be  called  upon 
to  withdraw  them  to  her  own  bosom,  wdiere  she  can 
furnish  to  them  that  protection  which  is  not  vouch- 
safed to  them  under  the  flag  of  their  common  coun- 
try. But,  while  she  permits  us  to  remain,  w^e  shall  do 
our  duty  —  our  whole  duty.  We  shall  speak  whatr 
ever  we  choose  to  speak,  when  we  will,  where  we  will, 
and  how  we  will,  regardless  of  all  consequences. 

Sir,  the  sons  of  Massachusetts  are  educated  at  the 
knees  of  their  mothers,  in  the  doctrines  of  peace  and 
good-will,  and,  God  knows,  they  desire  to  cultivate 
those  feelings  —  feelings  of  social  kindness,  and  j)ublic 


SPEECH    OF   HON.    ANSON   BURLINGAME.  33 

kindness.  The  House  will  bear  witness  that  we  have 
not  violated  or  trespassed  upon  any  of  them ;  but,  sir, 
if  we  are  pushed  too  long  and  too  far,  there  are  men 
from  the  old  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  who 
will  not  shrink  from  a  defence  of  freedom  of  speech, 
and  the  honored  State  they  represent,  on  any  field 
where  they  may  be  assailed. 


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